Change We Can Believe In
By Kevin Karp | December 7, 2008
How Britain's conservatives are taking cues from Obama
Although reaction in the British House of Commons to the American Presidential election was enthusiastic, the Labour and Conservative parties disagreed on what made Barack Obama's run successful. Gordon Brown, the Labour leader and Prime Minister, credited Obama's embrace of progressive politics. Conservative leader David Cameron, however, viewed the election as an indictment on governments that have been in power for too long. On the Wednesday after the election, Cameron used the weekly "Prime Minister's question time" to tell the Labour Party, "You've made your strategic choice - it's called 'more of the same,' and it's sitting in front of you."
One need no further indication of how far Gordon Brown's party has plummeted over the last few years, from the glory days of Tony Blair, his predecessor, into the abyss of political chaos. A refusal to call a snap election in October of last year was widely seen as a sign of weakness on his part (Brown must call an election by mid-2010), and as an indication of the Conservatives' growing strength. Now, in polls of voter intentions, the most recent trackers have the Conservatives with a 12-point lead over their Labour opponents.
Since taking over for the embattled Blair in 2007, even Brown's image as a capable economist has taken a considerable hit. His abolition of the 10% introductory tax rate, which took effect this past spring, is now roundly criticized as a bane to the country's economy. Brown, who crafted the policy as Chancellor of the Exchequer under Blair, received angry reactions at the time from Labour MP's who saw it as a threat to their traditional base of voters - the poorest taxpayers in Britain would now have to pay 20% (instead of 10) on their incomes. Now that the consequences of the move can be seen, several Labour MPs have openly voiced their frustration with Brown and raised the possibility of a leadership election. That Brown subsequently fired them is only further proof of how disunited his party has become.
The recent wave of support for the Conservatives, then, has as much to do with the fall of Labour as it does with innovative Conservative policies. The increasing boldness of David Cameron, however, shows that the Conservative Party is making a compelling case to lead Britain's next government. Having been in the political wilderness for more than a decade, the Conservatives have also undergone a remarkable transformation. The economic and political mishaps of Brown have allowed Cameron to paint the Labour leadership as overly statist, coldly technocratic, and out of touch with the general needs of the British people. Although an admirer of Margaret Thatcher, Cameron has emphasized societal renewal rather than the strict economic efficiency of the Thatcherites. His political philosophy now has some clear direction, which is, "To revive our society, just as Margaret Thatcher revived our economy; to reverse Britain's social breakdown, just as she reversed our economic breakdown." What this means is that the modern Conservatives support decentralization, responsible spending, and an emphasis on individual choice in areas such as mayors, schools, and hospitals.
In addition to offering a real alternative to the bureaucratic squabbling of Labour, Cameron as Prime Minister could truly revive the "Special Relationship" between the United States and Britain. This long strategic partnership between the two nations has become sour in recent years, as the British public's disapproval of the Iraq war and their government's role in it has resulted in the ouster of Blair and a general diplomatic distancing from the U.S. But now that Cameron appears to be Brown's likely successor, prospects for the partnership are much rosier. History has shown that Anglo-American relations thrive when the two leaders come from different political persuasions - FDR and Churchill charted the course of the Allied effort in World War II, and a young John Kennedy took an instant liking to the older Harold MacMillan during his term. William Hague, Cameron's Shadow Foreign Secretary, has stressed that British foreign policy under a Conservative government would focus on stabilizing the situations in Afghanistan and Pakistan, which surely will be continuing American objectives under Obama. Mr. Hague also mentioned that the Conservatives want to have a "solid but not slavish" relationship with Washington. The Conservatives' steady criticism of the "tax and spend" policies of Labour under Brown and their emphasis on stability will resonate with an American administration looking for solutions to the global financial crisis. If anything, the hobbled Brown government, with its out-of-control spending and rampant borrowing practices, should give Obama pause in attempting a drastic overhaul of the economy in these difficult times. David Cameron's rhetoric contains the pragmatism that Obama should strive for: "We promise no new dawns, no incredible transformations. I'm a man with a plan, not a miracle cure."
It is amazing how much the American President-elect and the presumptive future Prime Minister of Britain have reflected each other. Like Obama, Cameron is young (he is 41), eloquent, and very well-educated (he earned first-class honors at Oxford). As Obama has transformed himself from a politician with relatively little experience into a President with a mandate for "change," Cameron has quelled discontent over the Conservatives' "policy-lite" attitude and developed the political philosophy now called "Cameronism," all while calling for a "change in direction" in Britain. According to most polls, the Conservative Party, not Labour, is seen as the representative of "change" in the mind of the public.
Cameron's new politics of social renewal and economic restraint should serve as a wake-up call to Republicans in the United States looking for direction in their own party. A Cameron victory in Britain would not only assure Americans of a deepening strategic alliance, but it would also indicate the possibility for conservative parties to reinvent themselves in a most triumphant fashion.